“The German salute is your duty”

From the rules for Australian internment camps:
„The holding of political meetings, or meetings at which any political propaganda is used, or Nazi or Fascist principles recommended, advanced or urged is stricly forbidden.[1] Rules for Camp 9, South Australia, National Archives of Australia, NAA_ItemNumber81274 – page 5, no. 6.4.“
„(5) The exhibition of Nazi or Fascist emblems, signs or engravings within any compound is prohibited.“
„(15) The victimisation of any Internee[2] Cf. „An Appeal for Justice and Humanity“. or Prisoner of War holding anti-Nazi or anti-Fascist views , or for any othe reason, is prohibited.“

Peter Dehn, June 2025.

Free space for Nazis

Australians of German descent and Germans living in Australia were mainly interned in the Tatura 1 camp as “enemy aliens”. Many were self-confessed Nazis, and the Australian authorities considered some of them to be potential spies, without having proven anything. Numerous documents in the Australian National Archives make it clear that the ban on Nazi activities was not practiced, at least in some compounds of Tatura Camps 1 and 3.

In the documents of the Australian National Archives NAA on the Tatura camps, the name Dr. Franz Joseph Haslinger[3] Dr. Franz J. Haslinger (*8.8.1902) had been a member of the NDSAP since April 1938 and had been working as a representative for Auto Union in Australia since the end of 1938. NAA_ItemNumber428433 contains, among other things, interrogation records of Haslinger and his wife (page 97ff) as well as internal Nazi correspondence. stands out in particular. He had come to Australia at the end of 1938 as a representative for Auto Union. He made contacts throughout the country in order to sell DKW brand cars. A pub conversation about military matters made him suspicious of espionage. He had been a member of the NSDAP since 1938 and was arrested immediately after the start of the war. Among other things, an SA uniform was found in his apartment. Initially in Camp Tatura 1, later in Camp 3, the Nazis succeeded in launching him into leadership positions. As part of the camp school, he gave lectures on Nazi politics[4] Report of the camp commandant on Haslinger dated 6.12.1944. In NAA_ItemNumber428433 p. 90., among other things.

When questioned by an Australian authority in 1946, he expressed anti-Semitic views, among other things. Regarding his NSDAP membership and the party program, he declared: “My views have not changed at all[5] Interrogation Haslinger, Feb 27, 1946. In NAA_ItemNumber428433, p. 99f..” Having just arrived in Australia, he claimed to journalists that the reporting on Germany there consisted of propaganda lies. Asked about this in 1945, he added that these lies had been launched by Nazi opponents[6] Ibid and The Herald Melbourne of Feb 27, 1946, p. 5, retrieved March 10, 2025. who had fled abroad. His wife Ilse was not interned until 1942. In 1947, they were both deported to Germany via England.

“Mein Kampf” and another of Hitler’s books were traded publicly in Australia during the war. This display in a bookshop was photographed on September 26, 1942 in Melbourne for the “Herald” newspaper. (Australian War Memorial No. 136881, public domain).

Robert Menzies[7] Wikipedia über Robert Menzies (1894 - 1978) und Joey Watson, „A brief history of Nazism in Australia“, ABC online 16.1.2019, abgerufen am 10.6.2025, Australian Prime Minister from 1939 to 1941 and 1949 to 1966, had declared after a visit to Nazi Germany in 1938 that the “surrender of individual freedom by the Germans … has something great about it”. No wonder Nazis in Australia felt emboldened by such sympathy for Hitler’s dictatorship.

Everything fully under control

Australian Military Intelligence Weekly Report No. 58[8] Weekly intelligence report no. 58 of 12.2.1944, NAA_ItemNumber428433 aao., p. 11. of February 19, 1944 on the Tatura camps admits: “The degree to which Camp leadership was in fact controlled by the interned members and office holders of the Nazi Party has always been a matter of conjecture, but from the translated documents appended, it would appear that in No.‘s 1 and 3 Camps the Party controls the camp leadership completely.”

The extent to which the Nazis controlled what happened in “their” camp compounds can be seen in a document from 1943. In it, the “deputy district leader of the NSDAP” Arthur Wolf[9] The mechanical engineering engineer (*1897) was in Australia since 1937. gives the “dear party member Dr. Haslinger …. after his ‘many years of successful work as camp leader in internment camp 1, Tatura“ and after the transfer to camp 3 with

„full authority to represent the interests of all Germans who were living in the Australian government territory at the outbreak of the war and who are interned in this camp, together with comrade E. Wildermuth, but with equal authority, in the United Camp Management of this camp in my place until further notice. (…) Your appointment is made with the agreement of Ogl Pg[10] Nazi abbrevation for „Ortsgruppenleiter“ (kocal group leader) and „Parteigenosse“ (party comrade). W. Weber[11] Waldemar Weber was NSDAP-„Ortsgruppenleiter“ for Sydney. With his wife Nora he came to Australia in 1937. Cf. Weber-files NAA, NAA_ItemNumber9902329, NAA_ItemNumber8613358, NAA_ItemNumber8613829 and NAA_ItemNumber9902792; retrieved Dec 20, 2024. for Sydney and Pg E. Wildermuth for Melbourne.“

It is signed[12] Arthur Moritz Wolf to F.J. Haslinger in Camp 3 Tatura on 18.5.1943 (German original). In NAA_ItemNumber428433, p.119. „Mit Deutschem Gruss Heil Hitler“.

„Café Wellblech“ and „Brennessel“

Initially, the Nazi functionaries ensured that their Pg Haslinger – according to Australian estimates “one of the most prominent members of the NSDAP[13] Weekly intelligence report loc.cit., p. 105. in Australia” – was elected Camp Leader of “their” compound of Tatura 1 in 1941. In this function, he participated in the installation of an NSDAP communication platform.

The hub of these activities was the “Café Wellblech” (corrugated metal). With the permission of the military authorities, the camp inmates were served coffee and home-baked goods there. This hut became the center of Nazi meetings. The magazine “Brennessel” (nettle) was even published there in secret, with up to six issues being published. Later, a “Café Westwall[14] An allusion to the fortification line built by the Nazis on the border with France.” with a bowling alley was established.

One of the “Brennessel” issues has been preserved with the subheadings “Hinter Stacheldraht” (behind barbed wire) and the somewhat grandiloquent title “Im Eigenverlag d. Internierungslager Tatura Australien” (self-published by the Tatura Australia internment camp). Number 6 was dedicated to the Nazi memorial day for Hitler’s failed Coup d’etat[15] Wikipedia about Hitler’s coup, (German), retrieved Feb 15, 2025. on November 8 and 9, 1923 and thus appeared shortly after the incidents in Camp 3, which were also triggered by Nazi activities. The title page shows the slogan “And yet you won” and a Reich eagle with a swastika. A longer article sees the homeland “taking strong steps … on the road to freedom” and is full of Nazi propaganda drivel. The Nazis were obviously sure they would not be caught and penalized un what they did: The text is signed “F.J.H.”, which can only stand for Haslinger.

Nazi propaganda banned? In 1941/42, several issues of the clandestine (elaborately printed with a multicolored title page and swastika) newspaper were published. Source: Victorian Collections ID C7679.

Nazis in everyday camp life without any amouflage

Camp leader Franz Josef Haslinger left clear traces not only there. In the daily bulletin of Camp 1 on September 30, 1941, he signed a note about the return of W. Weber as “National Socialist Camp Leader and at the same time as candidate of the official NSDAP functionaries[16] Weekly intelligence report aao, p. 12. in this camp.” The very existence of “official NSDAP functionaries” despite the ban on Nazi activities is food for thought.

Two days after the incidents in Camp 3, the camp Nazis remained on the offensive and celebrated their “Ortsgruppenleiter” (local group leader) Waldemar Weber[17] Weber took part at the Nazi-activities in Camp 3 on 28.9.1941 and was trasferred to Camp 1. Cf. dunera.de about Harrassment against Jews in Camp 3., who had cheered a loud provocation by the Nazis against the Jews of the neighboring compound with shouts of “Heil Hitler” and the Nazi salute and was subsequently transferred back to Camp 1.

In a letter dated September 5, 1940, the NSDAP chiefs for Western Australia, New Guinea, Victoria and South Australia – all interned in Camp 1 – asked Haslinger to take over “the duties of Camp Leader in A-Compound and, if necessary, at the same time the external representation of the combined internment camp Tatura”. “To avoid misunderstandings”, it went on to say that Haslinger had “complete authority[18] E.O. Wildermuth to Haslinger, 5.9.1940. Attached to weekly intelligence report aao., p. 13. for the maintenance of peace and order in the camp, the maintenance of discipline and the protection of the German National Socialist spirit in and outside the camp”. (emphasis dunera.de)

What was still possible in the camp despite the ban on Nazi activities is not only demonstrated by a short report in the “Brennessel” about a “comradeship evening” on November 5, 1941. The following paragraph reads: “Since the ‘gate’ is still closed, concessions were made for the upcoming weekly program and for the camp celebration on November 9[19] Refers to Hitler’s coup on Nov 8./9., 1923., which made it possible to hold the events together.” This alludes to the temporary opening of access between the compounds on the occasion of the Nazi holiday, which was only possible with the commander’s permission.

Another source reports on statements made by inmates[20] David Henderson, „Bycatch of War: The German-Australien Internees 1939-1945“ (2006), retrieved March 10, 2025. The author ignores the role of the Nazi party in the camp; there were only “a few ardent Nazis” and others who had “retained a strong sense of loyalty to the Fatherland”. The source of the “chronicle” citated is not named.:

From the intelligence files: “… you will carry out all necessary measures for the conduct of elections in accordance with the instructions”.

„Inside some quarters of the Tatura internment camp, each German victory was met with approval qand the chronicle states that: ‚We marched in celebration of the German victories, despite the camp authorities‘.“ Der Autor der Quelle setzt fort: „It is hard to imagine how the camp authorities would have felt, watchiung on as their captives goose-stepped along the camp’s perimeter of Hitler’s success on the battlefield.“

Another report shows that songs with Nazi content were sung in Camp 1: “The Hitler supporters defiantly held to their convictions, and bellowed the ‘Tatura-Lied[21] Quoted from Albrecht Dümling "The vanished musicians", Cologne 2016, page 270.‘ with the refrain”

“Patience, comrades, be of good cheer
Once Germany’s won,
all will be well again”.

It seems just as unlikely that the commandant’s office did not know what music was being marched through the camp under their supervision as that they did not know about the planned Nazi celebration. Were they looking the other way as a precaution? How does that make you feel? Does alleged ignorance protect against punishment?

Nazi thugs in the Tatura camp?

It is clear from the documents that the candidacy and election of the internee representative in Camp Tatura 1 and later in Camp 3 was only possible with the blessing of the NSDAP. Military intelligence reports confirm that the Nazis ran an orderly service there (also known as “Sallschutz”). This stood for the Nazi “strong arm policy[22] Weekly intelligence report  aao., p. 11.”. In Camp 1 Compound A and under Haslinger’s leadership, up to 12 such groups of seven members each were formed – in other words, an “SA” potential[23] Attachment F tot he weekly report aao. including a list of names , p18f. of around 80 men. “I established the orderly service with the colonel’s approval[24] Interrogartion Haslingers loc.cit., p. 101.,” Haslinger boasted when questioned by Australian officials. He also acted as head of the “Lodi” (camp order service, dunera.de). Due to the rank mentioned, it cannot have been the camp commander (usually a major, the author) but only Lt. Col. William Thomas Tackaberry as the C.O. of the 17th Garrison Battalion[25] This unit was formed in July 1940 to guard the internment camps in the Tatura area. It was disbanded in July 1944. Cf. brief profile, Virtual War Memorial Australia, retrieved Jan 16, 2025., which was responsible for all camps in the Tatura region.

An activity report to the Nazi superiors in the camp outlines the tasks and services of the “Saalschutz” or “Orderly Service” after 50 days of existence at the beginning of November 1940. The tasks listed include “helping to implement the orders of our National Socialist camp leaders” and “influencing fellow internees in the tradition of the homeland”. The structure of the Orderly Service resembles the nomenclature of Hitler’s SS murder squad: at the top are “Obergruppenführer” and “Gruppenführer”. Above the signatures of Haslinger and “Obergruppenführer” O. H. Kaiser[26] In view of the news that 47 Allied pilots had been shot in Germany during an escape attempt, he said: “I wish it had been 47,000.” In: Excerpt from Intelligence Report No. 16 in Camp Loveday, July 28, 1944, in NAA_ItemNumber322839, page 12. Retrieved March 8, 2025. dated October 15, 1940, is the sentence “The German salute[27] List of duties of the orderly service in the German internment camp IA of Oct. 15., 1940. Attached to weekly intelligence report Nr. 58 in NAA_ItemNumber329167, page 62, retrieved March 10, 2025. is your duty”.

Intervention in the event of an objection

With undisguised pride, it reports, among other things, on the share of the “strong arm” of the counter-rollers behind the scenes in the elections for camp leader[28] „History and Report of the Camp Orderly Service“ of 5.11. 1940. Attached to wseekley report loc.cit., in NAA_ItemNumber428433, p. 14f.:

“And such people might have been able, as irresponsible hecklers, to disturb the course of the election. It appeared necessary to bring the necessary pressure to bear to ensure the desired outcome of the election. For this reason some young reliable persons were sought, who were to ensure the orderly conduct of the election by a HALL GUARD (Sallschutz). The task of this ‚Saalschutz‘ may be briefly set our, to show, in what a correct manner things were tob e carried ozt, and to demonstrate, what a small but disciplined group can do when opposed to an unorganised leaderless mob.” (emphasis by dunera.de)

In the fight against the “unorganized, leaderless mob” of their political opponents, etc., six rules were drawn up, including Oppositional heckling is to be stopped immediately. And: Anyone who continues to disrupt after being called to order is to be removed from the hall without causing bodily harm.

„The election passed of in exemplary order and the desired result was reached without incident. The mere thought of a ‚Hall Guard‘ being present created a favorable atmosphere. One wellknown opponent and heckler tried unsuccessfully to evadfe the team sitting on his neck, Since this team (namely Hildebrandt’s group) continually supressed, he gave it up and finnaly left the hall in disgust. The new Camp Leader, elected 100% expressed his gratitude for the ‚Sallschutz‘.“

It was not until 1944 that Australian military intelligence found numerous Nazi documents, including a list of names of the thugs in Camp 1A.

This is how the camp Nazis removed dissenters[29] Ibid. (errors taken from the English translation). from circulation. Dr. Haslinger later claimed admittely, that he had rejected the report. It contained “absolutely no truth”. He argued that no one had “received orders from him to disrupt the free election”, bypassing the accusation. At the same time, however, he identified an “incompatible” person[30] Interrogation Haslingers loc.cit., p. 102. as Dr. Becker[31] In the NAA file Haslinger, the name of the doctor Johannes Becker is mentioned several times in connection with an intrigue and denunciations against H. at the commandant's office. Becker had been in Australia since 1927, a member of the NSDAP since 1932 and a “recognized leader of the NSDAP” there from 1933 to 1936. He was interned immediately after the start of the war and was deported to Germany in 1947, where he was denazified. His family remained in Australia; his son Heini represented Robert Menzies' Liberal Party in the Parliament of South Australia from 1970 to 1997. Files J. Becker, NAA_ItemNumber9903287 and Wikipedia about Heini Becker, retrieved Jan 18, 2025., with whom he had had problems from the beginning of his internment.

Conclusion:

Not only the activity report of the “Saalschutz“ on the occasion of November 5, 1940 shows that the Nazis had already implemented their own structures in “their” compounds at an early stage. The responsible Australian military officers of the 17th Garrison Battalion ignored what was happening before their eyes. The fact that they only found out about the events in 1944 through the report of their intelligence service and the translations of the lively internal correspondence of the Nazis attached to it does not seem very credible.

The intelligence department[32] Intelligence department to commanding Officer 17th. Grn Bn. on Dec 10, 1940. In NAA_ItemNumber330926, p. 126. Retrieved March 8, 2025. of the 17th Garrison Battalion reported to its commanding officer on December 20, 1940, among other things, that the importance of security was not clear to all members of the unit. Among other things, visitors to internees had been granted “privileges far removed from the orders applicable to prisoners of war”. This breach of the rules almost borders on cronyism between the camp commander of Camp 1 and Haslinger: “It must be reported that the O.C. No. 1 Camp entertained Compound Leader Haslinger in his private quarters with a bottle of ale while a call was expected.”

The files also contain a multi-page summary of the complaints about the camp commander from Lt. Young‘s point of view[33] Statements by Lieut. W.A. Young (p. 93f) and H. Ch. Patterson (p. 88f) of 13.1.1941 complaining that camp commander Bristow had constantly usurped their duties. Statement of the battalion adjutant Lieut. Robinson (p. 69f). In NAA_ItemNumber330926, p. 88ff, retrieved March 8, 2025.. The criticism from the intelligence department was ignored by the higher ranks. On December 21, 1940, Lieutenants Young and Patterson requested the assignment of an intelligence officer of higher rank and their transfer, as their position was no longer acceptable[34] Memo of intelligence dept. of the 17. Gr. Bn. of 21.12.1940. Ibid, p. 122..

The example of the unfulfilled demands of the Jewish camp leaders for separation from the Nazis in the compounds and the events of September 1941 in Camp Tatura 3 make it clear that the responsible military officers treated the Jewish internees of the Queen Mary group unfavorably, while the Nazis had many freedoms that contradicted the ban on political activity laid down in the camp regulations. It is not clear from the documents that action was taken against the Nazi activities.

Addendum: The Speck case

The following example shows the insolence with which the Nazis also behaved in other Australian camps: After failing to escape from Tatura 1 camp in January 1943, Oskar Speck[35] Oskar Speck (1907-1993) reached Australian territory on September 20, 1939 after a 50,000 km journey in a kayak and was immediately interned. After an escape attempt from Camp Tatura 1, he was transferred to Loveday. He was allowed to live in Australia after the war. Cf. Loveday Lives and Wikipedia(German), retrieved Feb 20, 2025. was transferred to Camp 14D (Loveday, South Australia). In a letter to the Consul of Switzerland[36] Switzerland had taken over the representation of German interests vis-à-vis the Allied opponents of the war. in Melbourne, he complained[37] Oskar Speck to Consul Pietzcker from March 2, 1943, Collection Nancy Jean Steele Bequest at Australien National Maritime Museum, Sydney; retrieved Feb 20, 2025.:

„As you are probably aware, this is not a camp in which German nationals loyal to the Reich should be interned, as they are deprived of any opportunity to express their national feelings, be it through national events etc. I would therefore urge you to make representations to the competent authorities for my immediate transfer to a German national-socialist camp.“

It seems that the internees of Camp 1 were aware that they could “express their national feelings” and take part in “national events” there. The censors read all outgoing letters, including those to the consulate, and archived copies, including translations into English if necessary. So no one can claim to have known nothing.

German prisoners of war from Camp 13 Compound B (Murchison) were allowed to give the Hitler salute at the grave of a comrade on March 11, 1945.
Photo: R. L. Stewart, (Australian War Memorial No. 030248/04, public domain).

Please note: The Nazi documents rarely mention the compounds they controlled.
In March 1944[38] Weekley Report No. 58 loc cit., p. 8. From NAA_ItemNumber329167 p. 56., 594 “Palestine Germans” (Templars) and 333 “local Germans” were interned in Camp 3.
Most of the documents cited here were archived in the Australian National Archives NAA in transcripts or English translations of German-language originals. Errors or typographical errors in the English-language copies (e.g. “Sallschutz” instead of “Saalschutz”) have not been corrected.

Footnotes